Monthly Archives: June 2004

Oren Gross on Torture: Ban It Always, Treat Rulebreakers as Circumstances Warrant

Talk about timely scholarship! Prof. Oren Gross of U. Minn. Law has just published Are Torture Warrants Warranted? Pragmatic Absolutism and Official Disobedience, 88 Minn. L. Rev. 1481 (2004).

Here (minus the footnotes) is his conclusion to a long and complex argument, a conclusion which resembles my views, right down to citing Charles L. Black, Jr. approvingly, but ultimately come out somewhat more accepting of the idea that although torture should always be prohibited in order to discourage resort to it in any but the most extreme circumstances, there exist sets of real-life circumstances were torture might be morally justified, and thus would and should be publically pardoned or praised after that fact:

… the official disobedience model imposes a significant burden on public officials. They must act in the face of great uncertainty. At the same time the model does not completely bar the possibility that interrogational torture will be used by officials and later ratified by the public. It simply makes it extremely costly to resort to such drastic measures, limiting their use to exceptional exigencies. As Sanford Kadish notes, “Would not the burden on the official be so great that it would require circumstances of a perfectly extraordinary character to induce the individual to take the risk of acting? The answer is of course yes, that's the point.”

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Posted in Law: Criminal Law | 2 Comments

The Man Who Didn’t Keep the Secrets Wants them Back

Jurist reports

Government watchdog group Project on Government Oversight (POG0) filed suit against Attorney General John Ashcroft Wednesday over the reclassification of documents relating to a whistleblower's claims of security lapses in the FBI's translator program. POGO argues that reclassifying documents that were previously in the public domain is illegal and unconstitutional. During testimony before the Senate Judiciary Committee earlier this month, Ashcroft took responsibility for the decision to classify the documents, citing US national interests. AP has the full story. POGO provides background on the retroactive classification.

I had thought the question of classifying public domain information was settled long ago in the 'classified at birth' debate, when the government climbed down from its assertion that some scientific discoveries with military implications (e.g. strong cryptography or strong decryption methods) could be classified even if derived entirely from non-classified sources by persons unaffiliated with the government.

The seemingly technical question of the government's ability to classify public information is in fact very important. If Ashcroft were to get his way, the government would have the ability to shut down debate on a set of public policy issues by waving a classified stamp. That would take us another (not-so-little?) step in the direction of authoritarian government.

Posted in Law: Free Speech | 5 Comments

Subtext of Bush Overture to Korea

The Bush administration has made an offer to North Korea on the nuclear issue that sounds suspiciously, no exactly, like the offers they derided Clinton for making. See The Poor Man: Steady Leadership Watch for details, necessary flip-flop comments, general and earned snark.

I want to highlight a slightly different aspect of this development. The Bush offer is likely to be seen by N. Korea — more importantly, by other US adversaries (think, “militant Iraqis”) — as a sign of weakness: the Bush administration, sagging in the polls, goes shopping for foreign policy deals that can be marketed domestically as “victories'.

A foreign perception of a weak, anxious, maybe desperate, Administration eager to make deals for short term political gain means that our adversaries will drive the hardest bargains they can, thinking that the deals on offer will never be this good again. As a general matter, that's bad for the US whether this foreign perception is right or not, as we'll either have to give up more, or won't be able to come to agreement.

It's not just strong Presidents who are dangerous; weak Presidents are dangerous too, just in different ways.

Posted in National Security | 6 Comments

June 23, 1989

Today is our 15th wedding anniversary. We've known each other 20 years, more than half our recalled lives.

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Posted in Personal | 3 Comments

Adminstration: Torture Memos Inoperative

Just spotted in the Washington Post, Document On Prison Tactics Disavowed :

In a highly unusual repudiation of its department's own work, a senior Justice official and two other high-ranking lawyers said that all legal advice rendered by the department's Office of Legal Counsel on the subject of interrogations will be reviewed.

Guess that means those old legal opinions are inoperative now. It's about time. (Don't suppose Judge Bybee will be asked to resign do you? Nah.)

It's unclear from the Post article whether the royalist theory of Presidential power, endorsed by Bush himself, is also being disavowed, but I'd say it going to remain part of Administration doctrine or they wouldn't have released a memo Bush signed approving of it.

Also,

Gonzales … refused to comment on techniques used by the CIA, beyond saying that they “are lawful and do not constitute torture.” He also would not discuss the president's involvement in the deliberations.

A separate Post article notes that,

In December 2002, as Pentagon officials were trying to get detainees to offer more useful information about al Qaeda, Rumsfeld approved a variety of techniques, such as stripping prisoners to humiliate them, using dogs to scare them and employing stress positions to wear them down, the documents show. The tactics also included using light and sound assaults, shaving facial and head hair and taking away religious items.

Pentagon officials say most of the techniques were never used, and a Pentagon working group recommended that Rumsfeld roll back these methods. In a memo to the defense secretary in March 2003, the group wrote: “When assessing exceptional interrogation techniques, consideration should be given to the possible adverse affects on U.S. Armed Forces culture and self-image, which at times in the past may have suffered due to perceived law of war violations.”

A third Post article, which sounds awfully like White House talking points, suggests that liability concerns about the Torture Act, and especially the fear that anything less than a Presidential permission slip might open the door to prosecutions, drove Ashcroft to urge Bush to allow more violence than State or military lawyers wanted. Why Ashcroft didn't trust the troops to obey the law, and wasn't willing to see the bad apples tried, is not made clear in this recitation of talking points.

Are we really expected to believe the Iraq atrocities, and the Administration climate which circumstantially appears to have enabled it, was caused by….an absence of tort reform?

(Actually, on reflection, that's unfair: the legal action would have been criminal prosecution, not civil. So it was a real fear of US Attorneys?)

Posted in Iraq Atrocities | 7 Comments

Bush Ordered “Humane” Treatment in Feb. 2002. Then What?

This evening the White House released the text of an order signed by President Bush on Feb. 7, 2002, regarding the treatment of al-Qaida and Taliban detainees.

This Bush order applies to the Afghanistan Taliban, and to alleged al-Qaida members in Iraq and worldwide; it says they don't have rights, but doesn't say that they should be tortured; rather it says they should be treated “humanely” and that they should be given Geneva-like privileges when not too inconvenient to do so.

The order accepts the Royalist theory of Presidential power, but says it declines to apply it: “I accept the legal conclusion of the attorney general and the Department of Justice that I have the authority under the Constitution to suspend Geneva as between the United States and Afghanistan, but I decline to exercise that authority at this time.”

al-Qaida and Taliban fighters are claimed to all be outside the Geneva 3 framework (POWs) regardless of citizenship or circumstances. [And presumably it's possible to tell who is al-Qaida and who isn't just by looking at them?]

al-Qaida members are claimed be outside Geneva 4 (protection of civilians) regardless of citizenship beause they are “armed combatants” (even when not carrying weapons?).

The key command: “As a matter of policy, the United States Armed Forces shall continue to treat detainees humanely and, to the extent appropriate and consistent with military necessity, in a manner consistent with the principles of Geneva.”

On its own, this reads as an instruction to be humane at all times, and to follow Geneva when not too inconvenient. Whether this complies with international law or not, it does not read as a license to torture, which is presumably why the White House is releasing it. Note, however, that this order would, for example, be a license to create “ghost” detainees from among the Taliban and al-Qaida (but not other Iraqis).

Note also what's not there. For example, nothing in this memo seems directed to the CIA, just to the military. I wonder if there's a separate order for the CIA with more … flexibility?

It's also important to keep the confusing timeline straight. The OLC torture memo was delivered in August 2002, i.e. several months after this order. Thus, it is clear that this command, in Feb. 2002, to be “humane” was not the last word on the subject in the minds of all policy makers, including the President's closest advisors such as his Legal Counsel. And we know that the Walker Group was still chewing on the torture question in March 2003, although we don't know what if anything came of it.

In short, we don't know if this memo was ever countermanded, or amended, whether it applied to the CIA, or indeed what if anything ultimately resulted from subsequent advice to Bush that he could allow great physical pain to be applied during questioning of detainees. We do know, however, that as early as February 2002, in this memo, Bush had signed on to the dangerous theory of nearly unlimited Presidential power that informed the torture memos. We also know that in those months after this memo issued, many people around Bush were recommending, or prepared to recommend, that inhumane conduct was legal and justified.

UPDATE: The New York Times reports

White House counsel, Alberto R. Gonzales, told reporters on Tuesday that Mr. Bush never considered more aggressive options set out by administration lawyers, including those in an August 2002 Justice Department memo that appeared to offer a permissive definition of torture.

Full text of the Feb. 7, 2002 Bush order below.

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Posted in Iraq Atrocities, Law: Constitutional Law, Law: International Law | 50 Comments