Author Archives: Michael Froomkin

US Treaty With Tripoli 1796-97

US Treaty with Tripoli, 1796-1797:
Treaty of Peace and Friendship between the United States and the Bey and Subjects of Tripoli and Barbary.

Authored by American diplomat Joel Barlow in 1796, the following treaty was sent to the floor of the Senate, June 7, 1797, where it was read aloud in its entirety and unanimously approved. John Adams, having seen the treaty, signed it and proudly proclaimed it to the Nation.

Art. 11. As the Government of the United States of America is not, in any sense, founded on the Christian religion; as it has in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion, or tranquillity, of Mussulmen; and, as the said States never entered into any war, or act of hostility against any Mahometan nation, it is declared by the parties, that no pretext arising from religious opinions, shall ever produce an interruption of the harmony existing between the two countries.

The implications for modern politics are left as an exercise for the reader.

Posted in Politics: US | Comments Off on US Treaty With Tripoli 1796-97

Does Posing Naked for Playboy TV Have Anything to Do With Your Fitness to Practice Law?

There's heavy breathing going on at the WSJ Law blog as they report that Brooklyn Law School Student Bares All. It seems that Ms. Adriana Dominguez, a 3L who has “worked in the domestic violence unit in the Brooklyn DA’s office and served as treasurer of her law school’s Legal Association of Activist Women” also, as the NY Daily News put it, “shed her briefs”.

The WSJ blogger asks if this additional extracurricular activity might cause difficulties with the NY character and fitness committee when Ms. Dominguez applies to join the bar.

Let the jokes about visible fitness of the candidate, and the lack of character of the bar begin.

Kidding aside — assuming the conduct in the video was legal, it's First Amendment protected speech, and I can't imagine how a bar committee would dare block someone on the basis of their legally protected speech. They better not dare, anyway.

A more interesting question is to what extent a stunt like this might impact one's legal career. I imagine some straitlaced firms might think twice about hiring this kind of amateur videographer. (Maybe Sullivan & Cromwell is not a good bet?) And I could see it being an issue that might get in the way of a judicial career — would a governor or President nominate someone knowing this would be an issue at the confirmation hearing?

Some people are going to say that this sort of dumb stunt shows poor judgment, and might raise legitimate questions in a client's mind. And I'm sure that there comes a — gradually receding? — point where it's all just too much. But if the romp in question is no more than the Daily News article makes it sound (“happily strips naked, gets spanked and holds gavels up to her bare breasts”) well, really, who in the end cares?

Posted in Law School, Law: Ethics | 6 Comments

Full Text of Denial of Padilla Motion to Dismiss for Outrageous Government Conduct

I've got a copy of the full text of Judge Cooke's decision denying Padilla's motion to dismiss for outrageous government conduct.

Posted in Padilla | 1 Comment

Judge Denies Padilla Motion to Dismiss Based on ‘Outrageous Government Conduct’

As usual SDFLA blog has the story first, Judge Cooke denies Jose Padilla's motion to dismiss for outrageous government conduct.

Judge Cooke did something interesting last night: she avoided the need for an evidentiary hearing on Padilla's claims that he'd been tortured by the Navy by taking them as true for the purposes of deciding this motion. Even taking those factual claims as true, however, the Judge denied the motion. Of the reasons given, the third strikes me as the strongest and most interesting:

Mr. Padilla fails to explain why suppressing governmental use of any evidence obtained from him at the Naval Brig is insufficient for purposes of this trial. In his motion, Padilla acknowledges that the government has already averred not to seek introduction of any of the Naval Brig evidence at trial. Despite summarily rejecting this remedy as “clearly inadequate,” Padilla fails to support this contention or explain why his requested remedy is more appropriate. In fact, in his motion, Padilla relies heavily on United States v. Toscanino, 500 F.2d 267 (2d. Cir. 1974), a case where the Second Circuit sanctions this very approach. …

Mr. Padilla fails to present a cognizable claim of outrageous government conduct entitling him to dismissal of the indictment. The objectionable conduct Padilla claims violated his due process rights occurred during his military detainment in isolation of the crimes charged. Padilla also fails to adequately explain why excluding any unlawfully obtained evidence would not be an appropriate remedy in this case. Applying the exclusionary rule to bar inclusion of any illegally obtained evidence would sufficiently satisfy due process concerns. This may ultimately be a moot point since the government has averred not to utilize any Naval Brig evidence in its case. However, should the government decide to make use of any such evidence, an appropriate hearing will be scheduled to determine to what extent it is admissible.

As this decision comes after a ruling that Padilla is competent to stand trial, the argument that something about the (alleged) torture makes him unable to participate properly in his own defense is already off the table.

In summary, as I understand it, the Judge isn't exactly saying whether the government's conduct here was or was not outrageous, but rather that even assuming the truth of the allegations that it was, the only relief to which Padilla is entitled in his criminal defense is exclusion (or, amazingly, a hearing on exclusion!) of any evidence gathered while he was being held and tortured. (Claims for, say, monetary relief for illegal detention would be an entirely separate civil proceeding.)

That said, I think that to the extent Judge Cooke is relying on her reading of Toscanino for the proposition that exclusion of evidence obtained by torture is a sufficient remedy for the most outrageous government conduct, that is neither an obviously correct reading of that decision nor an obviously correct decision on first principles either. Indeed, Toscanino is pretty opaque on the question of relief, since the facts on the alleged illegal conduct had yet to be developed, and really only stands for the proposition that a defendant alleging such conduct is entitled to a hearing to present his claim to the court. At least in my quick reading of that case, what the relief should be is left pretty wide open, especially in light of this passage:

… the Supreme Court’s expansion of the concept of due process … now protects the accused against pretrial illegality by denying to the government the fruits of its exploitation of any deliberate and unnecessary lawlessness on its part. Although the issue in most of the cases forming part of this evolutionary process was whether evidence should have been excluded (e.g., Mapp, Miranda, Wong Sun, Silverman), it was unnecessary in those cases to invoke any other sanction to insure that an ultimate conviction would not rest on governmental illegality. Where suppression of evidence will not suffice, however, we must be guided by the underlying principle that the government should be denied the right to exploit its own illegal conduct, Wong Sun v. United States, 371 U.S. 471, 488, 83 S.Ct. 407, 9 L.Ed.2d 441 (1963), and when an accused is kidnapped and forcibly brought within the jurisdiction, the court’s acquisition of power over his person represents the fruits of the government’s exploitation of its own misconduct. Having unlawfully seized the defendant in violation of the Fourth Amendment, [FN4] which guarantees “the right of the people to be secure in their persons … against unreasonable … seizures,” the government should as a matter of fundamental fairness be obligated to return him to his status quo ante.

…we view due process as now requiring a court to divest itself of jurisdiction over the person of a defendant where it has been acquired as the result of the government’s deliberate, unnecessary and unreasonable invasion of the accused’s constitutional rights. This conclusion represents but an extension of the well-recognized power of federal courts in the civil context to decline to exercise jurisdiction over a defendant whose presence has been secured by force or fraud.

How one applies this language to Padilla is no easy question, since he was arrested in the US, not forcibly dragged here from abroad. It is possible to read the case the way the Judge did, but I think it's also possible read it to allow a greater remedy. The question is exactly whether “suppression of evidence will … suffice,” or whether this is a case in which more is required to vindicate “the underlying principle that the government should be denied the right to exploit its own illegal conduct.”

The issue is now clearly presented for the inevitable appeal.

Posted in Padilla | 1 Comment

Time for Some Enterprise Journalism on Campus

UM undergrads have, it is said, the highest indebtedness of any students in the USA. (It must be more than the high tuition — something about the lifestyle….)

Which makes it all more important for some local student journalist to find out if there is a local angle to this national story about student lenders and their sweetheart deals with college loan officers. The idea was to seduce or bribe the loan officers into steering student borrowers to certain companies, rather than those with the best deals. The New York Times has had a series of stories about these dubious deals (here's the latest), concentrating on NY area universities.

What I want to know is whether anything like that happened here at UM. Not that I have the least fact to suggest that it did. But given the size of the student body and its propensity for debt, we do seem like a natural market for that sort of thing. Were university loan officers contacted? If so, did they give in to blandishment or take the high road?

Posted in Econ & Money, Miami | 2 Comments

How to Attack Mitt Romney

Attacks on Mitt Romney based on his religious beliefs make me very uncomfortable because even the most measured versions seem somehow wrong and, yes, unAmerican. (Concerns about his views on separation of church and state might be acceptable. Issues of creed, no thanks.)

On the other hand, attacks on Mitt Romney based on the way he markets himself to supporters, on Romeny's two-faced approach to basic moral issues, and on his opportunistic and implausible self reinvention as a campaigning strategy, all seem … necessary.

Posted in Politics: US: 2008 Elections | 7 Comments