Yearly Archives: 2009

Michael Masinter’s Guide to the Legal Issues in U.Md. Porn Screening Case

People following the extended fuss over Maryland legislative attempts to block the showing of a porn film called 'Pirates II' at the University of Maryland may be interested in this comprehensive summary of the relevant law posted by U. Miami visiting professor Michael Masinter to a law professor's list, and here reprinted with his kind permission:

First, there is the terminology problem; pornography is a term with no legal significance. Obscene speech and obscene films as defined in Miller are unprotected speech; their display can be criminalized or suppressed on the basis of content. Maryland can and does forbid the display of obscene films. Maryland defines obscenity using the language of Miller in Md. Code, Crim. L. § 11-203(a)(5), and forbids its display in Md. Code, Crim. L. § 11-202. From all I've read, the content of the film comes within the statutory definition but for the question of whether the film is patently offensive under current contemporary standards in the community (and perhaps the question of artistic merit associated with its high production budget). But the question of community standards is critical. Much has changed since Miller; explicit displays of actual, as well as simulated mainstream sexual practices seems no longer to be patently offensive to many communities; sexually explicit material is freely available over the internet, from pay per view cable tv, in hotels, bars and elsewhere. The adult film industry operates openly and above board despite obscenity laws because it seemingly has reached a kind of detente with prosecutors. A prosecutor who brings an obscenity case against a producer, exhibitor or vendor of a film displaying mainstream sexual practices will almost certainly encounter a very well funded and sophisticated defense team, with expert witnesses prepared to delve deeply into what are the community standards that prevail in a given community, using evidence compiled from online sales records, from hotel pay per view purchases, and from local cable tv companies that offer pay per view explicit films. Knowing that first rate defense lawyers backed by persuasive experts will show that a significant percentage of local folks consume explicit films, and that juries will likely think that prosecutors must have something better to do than prosecute these cases, most prosecutors don't bring obscenity prosecutions any more for explicit mainstream adult sex.

Second there is the question of how to regulate the showing of obscene films. Maryland already makes their display a misdemeanor; if its legislature thinks it wise, it would seem to be free to separately forbid their display on state funded university campuses. But there must be some mechanism by which to determine whether a particular film is or is not obscene; legislators cannot do that on the floor of the legislature. Pirates II may not be obscene; it may not be patently offensive in College Park even if it would be in Garrett County, and perhaps its high dollar production values even translate into substantial artistic content; those are questions ill suited to legislative determination; they require the opportunity for an adversarial hearing. So as a matter of ordinary procedural due process law, the legislature cannot determine whether a particular film is obscene. That concern is magnified when the legislature interferes in the operation of a university by making content based judgments about what may be shown on campus. So both procedural due process problems and free speech problems arise if the legislature attempts on an ad hoc basis to dictate what can be said or shown on campus.

Third, if the film is not obscene, can the legislature use the power of the purse to forbid its showing on state college grounds? Here the problem is, as Mark already noted, that no state funds were used to show the movie, and the movie was shown in a university created student controlled limited public forum. As the Supreme Court has made clear, leaving aside display to minors, nonobscene sexually explicit speech enjoys full protection under the first amendment. Content based discrimination against nonobscene speech runs headlong into contemporary first amendment law. The state may not have to pay to show nonobscene porn, but it cannot suppress it.

Fourth, and hypothetically since it won't happen, is there any remedy if the legislature were to retaliate against the university by reducing its budget? Here the answer would seem to be no; passing a budget is a legislative act; legislators enjoy absolute immunity for legislative acts, and so no obvious remedy would seem available to compel the restoration of funding. But there's no chance that will happen; the Maryland legislature is not about to destroy its flagship educational institution.

So at the end of the day, legislators can fume, and can propose prospective legislation to ban the showing of obscene films on state campuses, but can't determine whether a particular film is obscene.

The more interesting question is whether a campus administrator can, under a hypothetical university rule or statute forbidding the recreational display of obscene films on campus, ban the proposed showing of an individual film based on a preliminary judgment that it is obscene? If Pirates II featured explicit bestiality, necrophilia, or perhaps other non-mainstream sexual practices it probably would be obscene even under contemporary community standards in College Park. Could a campus administrator ban a film's showing, subject to prompt and plenary judicial review under a properly drawn rule, on the grounds that it is obscene? That question never arose in the Pirates II controversy since pretty clearly the university administrator who acted did so in response to legislative pressure rather than under any rule regarding the display of obscene films on campus or any judgment that the film was obscene.

Thank you, Michael Masinter!

Posted in Law: Free Speech | 1 Comment

Something About International Conferences Brings Out the Worst in Police

There must be something about a boatload of visiting foreign dignitaries that brings out the worst in police. Miami's cops have had to pay out substantial damages for their civil rights violations when we had trade talks here.

And now the British police in London appear to have misbehaved rather badly in their attempt to clear out a peaceful static protest during the G20 summit. See Indymedia London | Videos | Show | film of police attack on G20 climate camp.

Spotted via The Magistrate's Blog, What Should We Make Of This?.

Posted in UK | 6 Comments

This Looks Good

Rachel E. Barkow, Institutional Design And The Policing Of Prosecutors: Lessons From Administrative Law, 61 Stan. L. Rev. 869 (2009).

Federal prosecutors wield enormous power. They have the authority to make charging decisions, enter cooperation agreements, accept pleas, and often dictate sentences or sentencing ranges. There are currently no effective legal checks in place to police the manner in which prosecutors exercise their discretion. As a result, in the current era dominated by pleas instead of trials, federal prosecutors are not merely law enforcers. They are the final adjudicators in the 95% of cases that are not tried before a federal judge or jury. In a government whose hallmark is supposed to be the separation of powers, federal prosecutors are a glaring and dangerous exception. They have the authority to take away liberty, yet they are often the final judges in their own cases. One need not be an expert in separation-of-powers theory to know that combining these powers in a single actor can lead to gross abuses. Indeed, the combination of law enforcement and adjudicative power in a single prosecutor is the most significant design flaw in the federal criminal system. Although scholars have made persuasive cases for greater external controls on prosecutors, these calls for reform are unrealistic in the current political climate. The solution must be sought elsewhere.

This Article looks within the prosecutor’s office itself to identify a viable corrective on prosecutorial overreaching. In particular, by heeding lessons of institutional design from administrative law, this Article considers how federal prosecutors’ offices could be designed to curb abuses of power through separation-of-functions requirements and greater attention to supervision. The problems posed by federal prosecutors’ combination of adjudicative and enforcement functions are the very same issues raised by the administrative state—and the solutions fit equally well in both settings. In both instances, individuals who make investigative and advocacy decisions should be separated from those who make adjudicative decisions, the latter of which should be defined to include some of the most important prosecutorial decisions today, including charging, the acceptance of pleas, and the decision whether or not to file substantial assistance motions. Using this model from administrative law would not only be effective, it would also be more politically viable than the leading alternative proposals for curbing prosecutorial discretion.

Administrative law values are not inevitably good, but they are often good.

Posted in Administrative Law, Law: Criminal Law | Comments Off on This Looks Good

The Miami Herald is Boring

There's been a lot of talk lately about whether the Miami Herald has a financial future. They keep firing folks and shrinking the paper. Not surprisingly, more and more people are not buying it any more, which means less money from a shrinking pool of advertisers which means…

What's most amazing about all this is that Herald keeps shooting itself in the foot by publishing a pretty boring newspaper. That's especially odd in this town, where there is so much scope for some good muckraking journalism, as demonstrated by feisty local blogs like Eye on Miami.

I've suggested before that the Herald could radically up its game by hiring some local bloggers, or licensing their content. But not only is the Herald not interested in that, it's erring in the other direction.

Consider EYE ON MIAMI: Miami Herald redacts Associated Press article highlighting our blog … by gimleteye:

On Sunday, the Herald reprinted the AP story on foreclosures in Homestead whose original version appeared in many newspapers around the nation and featured our blog. The lengthy national story by former Miami New Times and St. Pete Times journalist Tamara Lush featured the foreclosure crisis and included the view we expound here, on Eyeonmiami. The Herald version on the weekend, printed in the Neighbors section, redacted the AP segment of the story that featured Eyeonmiami and, specifically, my views of the crisis.

I suspect local pique: the unwillingness newspapers often have to acknowledge the work of competitors. The Herald will need to get over that, big time, if it wants to flourish.

Posted in The Media | 2 Comments

Yup.

From the techPresident RSS feed,

We're aware that our RSS feed (which you really should be subscribed to, if you aren't already) has taken to posting the body of each post twice. It's being worked on. Sorry for the trouble.

We're aware that our RSS feed (which you really should be subscribed to, if you aren't already) has taken to posting the body of each post twice. It's being worked on. Sorry for the trouble.

Glad to hear it.

Posted in Blogs | Comments Off on Yup.

Why the Queen Can Enjoy Her New iPod

EFF's Fred von Lohmann has a very nice analysis of the copyright law quagmire caused by President Obama's gift of an iPod with 40 show tunes to the Queen of England.

I am not a copyright scholar, but I think Fred may have left out one aspect of the issue which I think means that the Queen can enjoy her iPod in peace: sovereign immunity.

In the US “sovereign immunity” is something that keeps you and me from suing the government for certain classes of misdeeds. But, as I understand it, in the UK sovereign immunity means…sovereign immunity. The Queen IS the THE sovereign. She has immunity. It's really pretty much that simple.

The government in the UK doesn't have “sovereign” immunity because it's not sovereign. Sovereigns have two legs. The UK government just has “government” immunity. In practice that works like our sovereign immunity, so no one minds. But the distinction matters when you are thinking about the Queen's legal exposure in what are “her own courts.” And although I don't know UK copyright law, I'm guessing she didn't waive anything….

(As Fred noted when I sent him an earlier draft of the above, Obama's import to the UK is likely protected by diplomatic immunity. So the issues, whatever they are, are US law issues.)

Posted in Law: Copyright and DMCA, UK | 16 Comments