Category Archives: Law: Constitutional Law

Today’s Trifecta–What Does it All Mean? (Pt. I: Hamdi)

It's safe to say that today's trifecta of opinions wasn't predicted by anyone. Bottom line: It's still a free country. And this is still a formalist court, which (like anti-formalism) has its virtues and vices.

Full texts of opinions:

Although Padilla seemed to raise the most critical issues, the court ducked them, so (at first glance) by far the most important opinion of the Hamdi-Padilla-Guantanamo trilogy turned out to be Hamdi. Click “more” for a long, first-impressions, post on Hamdi. I'll post subsequently, and more briefly, about the other two. Updated

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Posted in Civil Liberties, Law: Constitutional Law | 14 Comments

Padilla Loses … For Now

Padilla loses on what will to many seem to be a technicality: his lawyer filed in New York when he should have filed in Charleston, SC. The majority does not reach the merits.

That is consistent with long-standing rules of habeas jurisdiction, but it's a darn shame the Court couldn't find it in itself to go the merits when they are so clear; the majoritydoesn't consider this case exceptional enough for an exception to the “custodian” rule, while the dissenters do.

Two of the five justices in the majority write a concurrence noting that if the government had been moving the detainee around to make jurisdiction hard, they would make an exception, but that this isn't that case — he's been stationary.

The appropriate district court will now have consider Padillia's case in light of the ruling in Hamdi, which ought to put him in a better position than he was the last time his case went to district court.

Four justices dissent, reaching the merits. More when I've read it all.

Posted in Civil Liberties, Law: Constitutional Law | 4 Comments

Guantanamo is NOT a Lawless Place

The main opinion is by Stevens. The whole LONG thing is here (.pdf). I'm reproducing the syllabus in the jump.

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Law, Lawyering and the Cheney Case

Scrivener's Error has a very lawyerly analysis of the Cheney decision.

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Cheney Wins — For Now, Maybe Forever

The Supreme Court held today in Cheney v. U.S. District Court that the Court of Appeals erred when it said the Vice President Cheney had to either assert executive privilege or cough up documents about his meetings with energy lobbyists. Those are the meetings in which, it is widely believed, he and the lobbyists drew up US energy policies — and may even have discussed the disposition of Iraq's oil, many months before even 9/11, much less the administration's public talk of any invasion. The case produced an unusual constellation of coalitions and opinions:

Kennedy, J., delivered the opinion of the Court, in which Rehnquist, C. J., and Stevens, O’Connor, and Breyer, JJ., joined, and in which Scalia and Thomas, JJ., joined as to Parts I, II, III, and IV. Stevens, J., filed a concurring opinion. Thomas, J., filed an opinion concurring in part and dissenting in part, in which Scalia, J., joined. Ginsburg, J., filed a dissenting opinion, in which Souter, J., joined.

No matter what happens next, any disclosures will happen after the election. In that sense, it's a big win for Cheney.

In the long run, though, the most significant part of this ruling may be somethng more announced than justified in this decision: the almost automatic equation, with no real explanation as to why, of the Vice President's prerogatives in civil litigation with the President's. It's long been agreed that, as Chief Justice Marshall once put it (while sitting as a trial judge), “In no case … would a court be required to proceed against the president as against an ordinary individual.” Today, the Supreme Court held that in civil as opposed to criminal cases, courts should in effect bend over backwards to be as solicitous of the Vice President's need for confidentiality and freedom of action as for the President. I leaned a little to the view that the Veep should be treated for this purpose as just another top aide, but thought there were valid arguments on both sides. It was an open issue—but not any more.

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Posted in Law: Constitutional Law | 5 Comments

Bush Ordered “Humane” Treatment in Feb. 2002. Then What?

This evening the White House released the text of an order signed by President Bush on Feb. 7, 2002, regarding the treatment of al-Qaida and Taliban detainees.

This Bush order applies to the Afghanistan Taliban, and to alleged al-Qaida members in Iraq and worldwide; it says they don't have rights, but doesn't say that they should be tortured; rather it says they should be treated “humanely” and that they should be given Geneva-like privileges when not too inconvenient to do so.

The order accepts the Royalist theory of Presidential power, but says it declines to apply it: “I accept the legal conclusion of the attorney general and the Department of Justice that I have the authority under the Constitution to suspend Geneva as between the United States and Afghanistan, but I decline to exercise that authority at this time.”

al-Qaida and Taliban fighters are claimed to all be outside the Geneva 3 framework (POWs) regardless of citizenship or circumstances. [And presumably it's possible to tell who is al-Qaida and who isn't just by looking at them?]

al-Qaida members are claimed be outside Geneva 4 (protection of civilians) regardless of citizenship beause they are “armed combatants” (even when not carrying weapons?).

The key command: “As a matter of policy, the United States Armed Forces shall continue to treat detainees humanely and, to the extent appropriate and consistent with military necessity, in a manner consistent with the principles of Geneva.”

On its own, this reads as an instruction to be humane at all times, and to follow Geneva when not too inconvenient. Whether this complies with international law or not, it does not read as a license to torture, which is presumably why the White House is releasing it. Note, however, that this order would, for example, be a license to create “ghost” detainees from among the Taliban and al-Qaida (but not other Iraqis).

Note also what's not there. For example, nothing in this memo seems directed to the CIA, just to the military. I wonder if there's a separate order for the CIA with more … flexibility?

It's also important to keep the confusing timeline straight. The OLC torture memo was delivered in August 2002, i.e. several months after this order. Thus, it is clear that this command, in Feb. 2002, to be “humane” was not the last word on the subject in the minds of all policy makers, including the President's closest advisors such as his Legal Counsel. And we know that the Walker Group was still chewing on the torture question in March 2003, although we don't know what if anything came of it.

In short, we don't know if this memo was ever countermanded, or amended, whether it applied to the CIA, or indeed what if anything ultimately resulted from subsequent advice to Bush that he could allow great physical pain to be applied during questioning of detainees. We do know, however, that as early as February 2002, in this memo, Bush had signed on to the dangerous theory of nearly unlimited Presidential power that informed the torture memos. We also know that in those months after this memo issued, many people around Bush were recommending, or prepared to recommend, that inhumane conduct was legal and justified.

UPDATE: The New York Times reports

White House counsel, Alberto R. Gonzales, told reporters on Tuesday that Mr. Bush never considered more aggressive options set out by administration lawyers, including those in an August 2002 Justice Department memo that appeared to offer a permissive definition of torture.

Full text of the Feb. 7, 2002 Bush order below.

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Posted in Iraq Atrocities, Law: Constitutional Law, Law: International Law | 50 Comments